V. IV. Pompeius Take The Supreme Command Against Mithradates
27. IV. VIII. Weak Counterpreparations Of The Romans ff.
28. V. II. Egypt Not Annexed
29. V. IV. Urban Communities
Notes For Chapter V
1. V. III. Renewal Of The Censorship
2. IV. VI. Political Projects Of Marius
3. IV. X. Co-optation Restored In The Priestly Colleges
4. IV. VII. The Sulpician Laws
5. IV. X. Permanent And Special -Quaestiones-
6. IV. VI. And Overpowered
7. IV. VII. Bestowal Of Latin Rights On The Italian Celts
8. Any one who surveys the whole state of the political relations of this period will need no special proofs to help him to see that the ultimate object of the democratic machinations in 688 et seq. was not the overthrow of the senate, but that of Pompeius. Yet such proofs are not wanting. Sallust states that the Gabinio- Manilian laws inflicted a mortal blow on the democracy (Cat. 39); that the conspiracy of 688-689 and the Servilian rogation were specially directed against Pompeius, is likewise attested (Sallust Cat. 19; Val. Max. vi. 2, 4; Cic. de Lege Agr. ii. 17, 46). Besides the attitude of Crassus towards the conspiracy alone shows sufficiently that it was directed against Pompeius.
9. V. V. Transpadanes
10. Plutarch, Crass. 13; Cicero, de Lege agr. ii. 17, 44. To this year (689) belongs Cicero's oration -de rege Alexandrino-, which has been incorrectly assigned to the year 698. In it Cicero refutes, as the fragments clearly show, the assertion of Crassus, that Egypt had been rendered Roman property by the testament of king Alexander. This question of law might and must have been discussed in 689; but in 698 it had been deprived of its significance through the Julian law of 695. In 698 moreover the discussion related not to the question to whom Egypt belonged, but to the restoration of the king driven out by a revolt, and in this transaction which is well known to us Crassus played no part. Lastly, Cicero after the conference of Luca was not at all in a position seriously to oppose one of the triumvirs.
11. V. IV. Pompeius Proceeds To Colchis
12. V. III. Attacks On The Senatorial Tribunals, V. III. Renewal Of The Censorship
13. The -Ambrani- (Suet. Caes. 9) are probably not the Ambrones named along with the Cimbri (Plutarch, Mar. 19), but a slip of the pen for -Arverni-.
14. This cannot well be expressed more naively than is done in the memorial ascribed to his brother (de pet. cons. i, 5; 13, 51, 53; in 690); the brother himself would hardly have expressed his mind publicly with so much frankness. In proof of this unprejudiced persons will read not without interest the second oration against Rullus, where the "first democratic consul," gulling the friendly public in a very delectable fashion, unfolds to it the "true democracy."
15. His epitaph still extant runs: -Cn. Calpurnius Cn. f. Piso quaestor fro pr. ex s. c. proviniciam Hispaniam citeriorem optinuit-.
16. V. V. Failure Of The First Plans Of Conspiracy
17. V. III. Continued Subsistence Of The Sullan Constitution
18. IV. XII. Priestly Colleges
19. IV. VII. Economic Crisis
20. V. V. Rehabilitation Of Saturninus And Marius
21. Such an apology is the -Catilina- of Sallust, which was published by the author, a notorious Caesarian, after the year 708, either under the monarchy of Caesar or more probably under the triumvirate of his heirs; evidently as a treatise with a political drift, which endeavours to bring into credit the democratic party-- on which in fact the Roman monarchy was based--and to clear Caesar's memory from the blackest stain that rested on it; and with the collateral object of whitewashing as far as possible the uncle of the triumvir Marcus Antonius (comp. e. g. c. 59 with Dio, xxxvii. 39). The Jugurtha of the same author is in an exactly similar way designed partly to expose the pitifulness of the oligarchic government, partly to glorify the Coryphaeus of the democracy, Gaius Marius. The circumstance that the adroit author keeps the apologetic and inculpatory character of these writings of his in the background, proves, not that they are not partisan treatises, but that they are good ones.
22. V. XII. Greek Literati In Rome
Notes For Chapter VI
1. V. IV. Aggregate Results
2. The impression of the first address, which Pompeius made to the burgesses after his return, is thus described by Cicero (ad Att. i. 14): -prima contio Pompei non iucunda miseris (the rabble), inanis improbis (the democrats), beatis (the wealthy) non grata, bonis (the aristocrats) non gravis; itaque frigebat-.
3. IV. X. Regulating Of The Qualifications For Office
4. V. V. New Projects Of The Conspirators
5. V. VI. Pompeius Without Influence
6. IV. IX. Government Of Cinna, IV. X. Punishments Inflicted On Particular Communities
7. IV. XII. Oriental Religions In Italy
8. V. V. Transpadanes
9. IV. X. Cisalpine Gaul Erected Into A Province
10. V. IV. Cyprus Annexed
11. IV. VI. Violent Proceedings In The Voting
12. V. IV. Cyprus Annexed
Notes For Chapter VII
1. IV. I. The Callaeci Conquered
2. IV. IX. Spain
3. V. I. Renewed Outbreak Of The Spanish Insurrection
4. V. I. Pompeius In Gaul
5. V. I. Indefinite And Perilous Character Of The Sertorian War
6. V. V. Conviction And Arrest Of The Conspirators In The Capital
7. V. I. Pompeius Puts And End To The Insurrection
8. IV. II. Scipio Aemilianus
9. There was found, for instance, at Vaison in the Vocontian canton an inscription written in the Celtic language with the ordinary Greek alphabet. It runs thus: --segouaros ouilloneos tooutious namausatis eiorou beileisamisosin nemeiton--. The last word means "holy."
10. An immigration of Belgic Celts to Britain continuing for a considerable time seems indicated by the names of English tribes on both banks of the Thames borrowed from Belgic cantons; such as the Atrebates, the Belgae, and even the Britanni themselves, which word appears to have been transferred from the Brittones settled on the Somme below Amiens first to an English canton and then to the whole island.